| By Jacki Pritchard
Jessica Kingsley Publishers
2001
Reviewed by
Loree Cook-Daniels
The gendered nature of elder abuse is still a contested
topic. While it is usually reported that women are more likely
to be abused than men, some of the data on which such pronouncements
are based -- including, most notably, the 1998 National Elder
Abuse Incidence Study -- do not weight the data to account
for the higher rate of abuse among the oldest cohorts, which
are overwhelmingly female.
Be that as it may, it is clear that there are male
victims of elder abuse, although some may argue they are given
less attention than are female victims. That’s one of
the reasons why Jacki Pritchard, a United Kingdom researcher,
chose to follow up a study she did of female elder abuse victims
with one devoted solely to male victims. The slim (112-page)
volume Male Victims of Elder Abuse reports on her
findings.
As with many elder abuse research projects, Pritchard’s
sample is appallingly small. She analyzes the reports of 39
male elder abuse victims from three UK jurisdictions, and
interviews at length 12 male victims, aged 60 to 80. Despite
this limited sample, the depth of Pritchard’s interviews
and her analyses lead to some very interesting observations.
To begin with, Pritchard was startled by the men’s
eagerness to talk about the abuse that had happened to them:
“It is generally thought that men find it difficult
to admit that they have been abused. I was particularly struck
by the way in which all the men talked openly about their
lives and the abuse they had experienced” (p. 70). Indeed,
the study itself grew out of men’s requests to be included
in what was originally designed as women-only focus groups
on adult abuse that were held at senior day care centers.
Types of Abuse
The stories the men told, and the observations Pritchard
makes, strongly echo the stories told by women. Two of the
men, for instance, had been sexually abused, one by his wife
and the other by a male “friend.” Two men Pritchard
classified as having “battered husband syndrome”:
“They had previously been abused physically by their
wives, but both of them maintained that they had had happy
marriages. Mac saw having arguments as ‘just normal’”
(p. 56).
“Sam” was confined to only one room of the house,
kept from the television, and not talked to by his wife and
daughter. “Jim’s” wife had several times
attempted to pull out his tracheotomy tube when she became
angry. When Jim attempted to leave her, “she became
physically violent and had to be restrained by police”
(p. 53). Eleven of the twelve victims had been financially
abused (for periods ranging from 6 months to 13 years), and
nine of them had been neglected. Pritchard was particularly
appalled to learn that two of the “neglecters”
were home care recipients.
On the day Gregory came into care, it was found that there
was no water supply (the toilet was completely overflowing),
electricity or cooking facilities and he had run out of coal
for the fire. Fleas were found in the carpets and furniture;
bedding was soiled and faeces were evident on the floor. Fred
had been living in similar conditions. One accepts that standards
differ between individuals, but it is incomprehensible how
trained home care staff could have failed to report the conditions
these men were living in. (pp. 50-51).
She notes of these cases,
When these men were interviewed it was clear that they
had not liked living in these conditions but had been unable
to say this. Perhaps a fundamental form of abuse is that
no one bothered to ask them how they felt and just assumed
it was their choice to live this way. It is easy to stereotype
men as not caring about how they live. (p. 51).
Women are often thought to take all “blame” for
what happens in relationships, but these men also accepted
what had happened: “All the men interviewed had a sense
of resignation about what had happened to them, whether the
abuse had been experienced in the past or very recently. None
of them presented as embittered but rather with a sense of
sadness” (p. 57). “None of the men apportioned
blame [for their situation] to others” (p. 72). As with
many other studies, including some of Pritchard’s, “the
present study found that carer’s stress was not a causal
factor in the abuse of the men” (p. 101).
What the Men Said they Needed
As it is with many women victims, “it was very important
to most of the men to act in ways which protected the abuser.
As noted above, none of the men showed malice towards the
abuser and did not want to take legal action, even when they
were not related” (p. 77). When she asked them to talk
about their past as well as current needs, “most of
them tended to focus on the present as ‘nothing can
be done about the past’” (p. 58). Interestingly,
of the nine men who were admitted to emergency placements
(only four of which were self-generated), only one wanted
to return home.
Other needs the men had related primarily to housing, finances,
and legal matters. In particular, Pritchard notes, “The
men who had been financially abused had little knowledge what
steps needed to be taken to safeguard their assets. There
was little knowledge about freezing accounts or changing joint
accounts” (p. 81).
Talking about what had happened seemed to be important to
all the men: “what was important to them was that ‘someone
is willing to listen,’” Pritchard reported (p.
71). “All of the men were isolated either physically
or emotionally,” (p. 82), “Six of the men were
widowed and welcomed the opportunity to talk about their wives,”
(p. 84), and “Few of the men had ever been given the
opportunity to vent their feelings, perhaps because it is
not seen as a macho thing to do” (p. 84).
For the two men who chose to remain in abusive situations,
talking was particularly important:
Colin refused help from professionals, who he felt were
‘taking sides’ with his [emotionally and financially
abusive] son. Also because he had always been in control
of his life and had had a ‘responsible’ job
he wanted to sort things out for himself. His need was to
be able to talk; he did not want anyone to take action....
Vernon talked openly about his situation when he attended
the day centre twice a week, but he also attended the survivors’
group which he found ‘good’ because ‘I
can talk to you and you listen’” (pp. 71-72).
Social Services Clients
As would likely happen in any sample of elder abuse victims,
Pritchard found that the “helping” system had
treated some victims poorly. Two men were inaccurately labeled
as having “severe dementia” when one only had
a chest infection and the other was slightly confused from
his alcohol abuse. Another suffered when his social worker
brought him a Russian interpreter because it was “the
nearest to his country”; this man had fled to England
at age 20 when the Russians invaded his country. (p. 86).
In another case, the victim’s pension and bank books
remained for weeks in the house to which his abuser had a
key, despite his requests to his social worker. Several other
social workers, Pritchard suggests, “let things drift”
even though the men were in emergency accommodations. “Few
of the men,” she concludes, “received good service.”
(p. 103).
The U.S.’s more developed system for addressing elder
abuse may mean we have fewer poorly-treated victims. However,
we are still well advised to remember Professor Robert Pinker’s
(1978) definition of a social services client: “a person
who receives what the social services call help and who lives
with the consequences of that help” (p. 102).
Studying Male Victims of Elder Abuse is a step that can help
keep us on the right road.
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